Ethics of the Abyss by Denys Spirin - HTML preview
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Chapter 11

A subject stands at a decision point. Something has happened and he must handle it. Good or evil, right or wrong; the evaluation arrives instantly. We have already seen why the response is fast: it was pre-computed by the ontovirus, ready to fire at the relevant stimulus. But speed is only the surface phenomenon.
The subject hands over the act of evaluation to a system he did not build and in most cases cannot see. He delegates his judgment the way an employee delegates a task to a department: the result comes back stamped and signed, and the employee uses it without examining the methodology. The ontovirus evaluated the situation according to its postulates and delivered the result to the consciousness as a finished product.
A bureaucrat who processes a deportation order does not decide whether this particular family should be removed from their home. He applies the regulation which says: these papers are not in order; this family must go. His hands are clean — the act is not his. He is the executor; the authorship belongs to the system. "I am just doing my job" is the purest expression of delegation: a sentence that describes an act, disclaims responsibility for it, and identifies the true agent.
Stanley Milgram's obedience experiments revealed the laboratory image of this mechanism. A subject was instructed by an experimenter in a white coat to administer electric shocks to a person in the next room. The shocks were fake; the screams were recorded. The subject heard the victim beg, protest, then go silent. At every hesitation the experimenter said: "The experiment requires that you continue." Sixty-five percent of subjects delivered the maximum voltage.
They were not sadists. Post-experiment interviews revealed ordinary people who found the task distressing. What Milgram demonstrated was delegation in controlled conditions. When asked why they continued, most gave a version of the bureaucrat's formula: I was told to. The will was theirs; the criterion it served belonged to the man in the white coat.
Delegation makes moral life cheaper. A subject who had to examine the postulates behind every moral evaluation and arrive at a judgment through genuine deliberation would spend more time and energy than one who receives prefabricated verdicts. The ontovirus provides ready-made answers, and the cognitive cost drops. Most subjects prefer this economy and never discover that the alternative is livable.
It is a biological principle. Animals prefer familiar routes and actions. A rat that has learned one path through a maze will use it even when a shorter path is available. Foraging animals return to known feeding sites rather than explore potentially richer ones. Novel evaluation is metabolically expensive: it requires comparison and risk assessment. The organism that delegates its decisions to habit survives on a lower energy budget than the one that deliberates at every fork.
Ontologization is also an act of delegation. The subject accepts a picture of the world since it provides a pre-sorted reality in which situations arrive already evaluated and meaningful; a common ground with others who have accepted the same picture, so that coordination feels like shared sanity rather than continuous negotiation; and an identity, an answer to the question "what am I" that carries the weight of fact. The materialist who declares that he is dust in an indifferent universe has orientation, belonging, and a self no less stable than the Christian's.
Ontologization provides concreteness, but it is equally advantageous for the institution that administers the ontovirus. A subject who follows rules because they are his reality requires no supervision. External enforcement is expensive: it demands guards, inspectors, punishments, and the permanent threat of force. Ontologization replaces all of this with a mechanism inside the subject. Guilt monitors compliance, the antivirus suppresses dissent without a censor. The subject reproduces the ontovirus in his children without being instructed to: he is sharing what he knows to be real. Coercion is converted into self-governance.
The more the subject delegates, the cheaper his moral life becomes and the less of it is his. At one end of the spectrum is a person who holds his postulates lightly and delegation is partial; his moral life is costly yet personal. A subject who has embraced an all-encompassing system delegates completely.
Absolute rules are the extreme case of delegation that removes the subject from the evaluative loop entirely. The directive has replaced the judgment, and this is experienced as liberation: the subject is free from the terror of being wrong.
Kant's liar-and-murderer case exposes the cost of this relief. In his essay On a Supposed Right to Lie from Philanthropy Kant argued that one must not lie even to a murderer who asks where one's friend is hiding. Scholars dispute whether this follows directly from the categorical imperative or from Kant's philosophy of right (Recht), where lying undermines the very source of legal obligation. The distinction matters less than the result: a system so thoroughly delegated that its output overrides direct perception. You must tell the truth even if it leads the murderer to your friend. Kant was not stupid; he was fully delegated; the system produced a verdict that was more real than the friend. This case is typically treated as a philosophical curiosity, an extreme example that reveals a flaw in Kantian ethics. But it is a demonstration of what delegation looks like at full power.
Total delegation is an asymptote, not a destination. The subject who delegates everything would have disappeared as a moral agent — yet the very act of delegation presupposes someone who delegates. The point from which he hands over his judgment cannot itself be handed over; it is the remainder that no ontovirus can absorb. Even Kant, in the liar-and-murderer case, chose the system — and the choosing was his. The ontovirus colonizes the operating space, and the remainder becomes invisible, compressed to a dimensionless point.
Most people are not Kant. They delegate partially: the ontovirus supplies the default verdict, and the subject follows it in ordinary circumstances but overrides it when the cost becomes too high. He believes that stealing is wrong, but he pirates software; he holds that lying is bad, but he lies to spare a friend's feelings. The override is a minor failing, a forgivable lapse — and this is what makes partial delegation more stable than total. Each lapse generates guilt, and guilt feeds the ontovirus. Complete delegation is brittle because it results in Kant's absurdity, a rigid system that needs to be strong to resist fracture. Partial delegation absorbs exceptions without losing integrity, and it converts every exception into fuel.
The fully delegated subject, the "man of principle," is widely regarded as the pinnacle of moral life. He is the person who never compromises, never allows circumstance to override conviction. But this is a description of a causal link, not an agent. The man of principle does not evaluate; he transmits. His reward is total exemption from guilt and remorse. The Kantian who tells the murderer where his friend is hiding does not experience guilt: the lie would have been his, but the truth belongs to the categorical imperative.
But no principle is isomorphic to reality. A finite set of rules cannot map an infinite space of situations. The Torah required 613 commandments and still could not close the gap; the Talmud added thousands of pages of commentary, and the comments turned into annotations; the debates continue today, two millennia later, while the original system keeps colliding with cases it did not anticipate. A collision is what philosophy calls an ethical dilemma, but the term is misleading. A dilemma is the point where the principle's finite resolution meets the world's granularity, and the delegation breaks down. At that point, the subject is thrown back onto himself, to the origin from which he must produce a judgment that no system supplied.


