Liberal Betrayal of America and the Tea Party Firestorm HTML version

uprising. There were to be protests and demonstrations on hundreds of campuses to challenge and disrupt
campus authority during the upcoming 1964-1965 academic year. The Berkeley campus of the University of
California had been designated as the leadoff target. The plan for Berkeley was to form a rebellion of
overwhelming strength and support sufficient to force from office both the Chancellor of the Berkeley campus,
Edward Strong, and University President, Clark Kerr. President Kerr and Chancellor Strong were accustomed to
juvenile eruptions on campus and took the alert they had received to predict nothing more than the same
passionate, idealistic, unfocused student radicalism they had seen before. It would be noisy, senseless, mostly
harmless, and something that would die out of its own accord. Their judgment could not have been further off
the mark.
On the morning of December 3, 1964, the campus administrative hierarchy gathered in the Chancellor’s Suite in
Sproul Hall, the Berkeley campus administration building, to consider how to deal with an escalating student
“Hey! Hey! Ho! Ho! Western Civ Has Got to Go!!
Hey! Hey! Ho! Ho! Western Civ Has Got to Go!
No Justice No Peace!
No Justice No Peace!
Savio! Savio!! Savio!!!”
The roar of thousands in the plaza below penetrated the walls and windows of the Chancellor’s suite with
passionate intensity.
The University authorities had determined, even though they thought the summer alert to be needlessly alarmist,
to damp down any such protests before they could gain traction. To limit the areas of potential protest the
Berkeley administration activated rules prohibiting on-campus solicitation of money or support for off campus
political purposes. The rules applied only on campus. On the public sidewalks or streets bordering the campus
such protests would be free speech protected by the First Amendment to the United States Constitution. The
campus radicals set up tables for distribution of literature and solicitation of money and membership on public
sidewalks at the very borderline between the city of Berkeley and University property. To the surprise of no
one, except perhaps campus officials, those tables and their associated activities gravitated onto University
property. Campus authorities cited and disciplined students attending the tables for violation of the rules.
Prodded by the leaders of various protest groups, clusters of angry students began to form, accusing the
University of violating their rights of free expression. As charges were repeatedly brought against student
violators, leaders of the dissident groups began holding protest rallies in Sproul Plaza just outside the front
doors of Sproul Hall. New accusations against alleged University abuses were shouted out almost daily.
Growing larger by the week these rallies attracted increasing support for the protest movement.
“Hey! Hey! Ho! Ho! Western Civ Has Got to Go!!
Hey! Hey! Ho! Ho! Western Civ Has Got to Go!
No Justice No Peace!
No Justice No Peace!
Savio! Savio!! Savio!!!”
The roar of the crowd grew more ominous with each repetition.
The rebels adopted the bold and deceptive tactics typical of insurgent groups, including delay, exaggerated
grievances, false claims of abuse, and impossible demands in order to inflame student reaction at the ever-larger
noon rallies. What the rebels needed was a motif, a motto, a battle cry that would bring the various campus
movements such as nudism, socialism, anti- Vietnam war, drugs, women’s rights, presidential politics, or free
speech under one banner of unification. The growing rallies claimed ever more insistently that the students
being disciplined were denied free speech. And free speech it was that became the catalytic issue around which